Refounding Labour — the Damp Squid. Members are as Important as Ever — Yet They Are Leaving Us Again

The first wave of Refounding Labour reforms were voted through yesterday after deals were done between the leadership and the unions. But does any of this amount to much at all? The watered-down proposals on restored supporters really does not amount to much at all to the point that I wonder what on earth is the point of it all?

By all accounts the NEC itself had precious little time to debate the Refounding Labour proposals so I suppose we can’t be surprised that conference didn’t either. At the NEC meeting three members voted against the proposals, Ann Black, Christine Shawcross and  Johanna Baxter. All three did so because of the weight of heir (e)mailbags — all of which were massively hostile to the proposals. Given where the Party is at the moment it may seem weird to ignore such hostility but in reality this was nothing like Ed’s Clause 4 moment.

Just how practical is any of this stuff? Registered members get 3% of the electoral college come a leadership election. Is this really significant? There are real practical problems in opening up more localised selections — Councillors and MPs — to include registered supporters. A selection meeting in my part of the world can take hours because of the problems in verifying membership. This is also a part of the world in which we have constant problems with the buying of mass memberships, particularly amongst those who qualify of the reduced weight. What’s to stop anyone using community organisations registered with Labour to do precisely the same thing?

Last night I put some of these concerns to a long-standing member of the NEC. I was told that in all probability these changes will never actually happen because they will be so difficult to implement in practice. Indeed, the NEC has spend much of the last few years quietly disposing of the ideas of Gordon Brown for Party reform which were simply impractical.

Which brings us back to members. Remember the great days of last year when membership was booming? Not so now, in fact, the Party has lost over 10,000 members I believe since the early summer, despite Ed’s heroics over Murdoch, etc.

Membership will continue to fall while Members themselves get nothing for their Membership and where their views and opinions have such little value.

Labour must see Members as one the key building blocks in Party renewal. This will mean doing things differently and no doubt reforming our structures and procedures. But it has to be seen that members are seen as important partners and not just cheap Labour for leafleting and voter ID (as important as those are).

With membership falling again this Party faces the same problem that it has faced for a decade or so now, that more and more work falls on less and less people.

I have no sense that Labour supporters — let alone members — really favour a  US style system and presidential politics. Nor is there any sense that the vast number of members are anything but massively opposed to the State Funding of political parties, and suspicion remains that we are holding on for Christopher Kelly to recommend such a system.

Our renewal — our future — will depend on members. Our task is to make their voice count and to the inspiration from their passion and political drive.

More than ever — despite refunding Labour:

Labour =  members.

 

We must ensure that fewer MPs means more democracy

Much of practical politics is about dealing with paradox and balance. At one end of the political continuum we have creativity (risky) and at the other caution (inaction). Those at the creative end of the spectrum have to be brave enough to cope with theDaily Mail, the Express and, of course, Murdoch. Those who stay cautious may feel safe, but inaction and indecisiveness tends to see events pop up and bite them on the bum.

There is a great deal of indignation among Labour’s ruling elites about the Tory-Lib Dem government’s plans for boundary reform. They argue that this is all a fix to bash Labour; and in many senses they are right. But it is worth reflecting on lost opportunities as well as considering how we deal with the review and subsequently position ourselves on constitutional reform.

There has long been a widespread view, for which I have some sympathy, that we have too many MPs. The Lib Dems, in particular, have been vocal in pointing out that Labour did very little in power to think about representation and constituencies; our electoral law and practice is based on registered voters and not on population. Labour — they say — was simply too comfortable with falling turnout and poor voter registration. There may be some truth in this, but Labour’s real failure was in not reforming Parliament.

Quite simply, the job of a backbench MP does not look that great when viewed from outside. Why do we need so many MPs simply to act as voting fodder for the executive? Labour missed a massive opportunity to act imaginatively and decisively in renewing our system of governance. Select committees should have been given more power, more independence and — critically —more resources with which to carry out their work. Our leadership should have been more comfortable with the relaxation, or reinvention, of the traditional “whip” system.

I remember discussing this with one of our Birmingham’s MPs four or five years ago. It seemed to me then that communities and voters would welcome a greater degree of independence from their MP. Electorates are not stupid. They know that someone elected with a Labour tag is not going to bring down its government or leadership. But they do want to know what their Member of Parliament thinks. They want their local representatives to support them in their local campaigns. They want their politicians to help broker relationships with government agencies and others to support local development. They want practical help in securing new resources for local services and local development. During its record period in power, Labour had a lot of scope to create a more relaxed and independent system of governance without bringing government to a halt, but we blew it.

Both Blair and Brown treated Labour backbenchers in particular, and the Commons in general, with contempt; they simply weren’t important in the big scheme of things. Voters could see how backbench MPs were treated. Why should they think any differently?

But what about the issue of constituency representation? It is true that many Labour MPs represent communities rather than registered voters and that these communities are complex even if they are not active voters. But it is never enough to see MPs as simple advice workers; after all there are other agencies that are better at that. MPs are policy makers and legislators and if they are not doing that effectively then we shouldn’t be surprised that the public seems, at best, to be indifferent to the chopping of their numbers.

But we are where we are. There will be an argument about the boundaries and there will be some opposition to the changes in both the Commons and the Lords, but I expect them to go through in time for the next election. Labour needs to be clear about how it will respond in practical terms.

The last wholesale review was conducted shortly after the 2001 election. Sensibly, the Party then settled on a procedure that obliged each new constituency to conduct an open selection for their candidates. This system was designed, in no small measure, to stop sitting MPs spending all of their time setting up dodgy back street deals or plotting new and ingenious ways of disposing of the opposition. There are already signs that this current review is a catalyst to similar behaviour. Open selections — not just ring fenced to sitting MPs — will be critical in allowing the party to move forward confidently and positively.

We also need to think about the building blocks for the future. Many constituencies will be subject to wholesale change and we should guard against existing constituency executives trying to fix things for favoured candidates. The real building block will be the Ward, not least because this relates most closely to real communities on the ground. The party needs to be committed to allowing the new constituencies to go about their work without being saddled with the baggage of the past. They need to be able to be free to consider their strategies for the development of their new constituency organisation. New constituencies will need time to build up their relationships with the communities that exist within the new boundaries,

It is possible that the boundaries will not be settled for some time. However, the party should move quickly to lay down the methodology by which we will move forward. Everyone — party members, sitting MPs and local communities — should be aware of where they stand, sooner rather than later.

Finally, there is also a long-term view to consider. How do we see the future of Parliament and how do we see the role of the MP evolving? We wasted a great opportunity to modernise our structure of government. Myself and many other grassroots members will be working hard to ensure we secure another comfortable Labour majority in the near future. But the extent to which we can encourage others to join us will be dependent on our ability to articulate the need for a more open, collegiate and independent legislature.

Andy Howell is a former deputy leader of Birmingham city council and is chair of theLabour democratic network.

This article was first published by Labour Uncut.